ÇAMARDI Çamardi Referendum results. ÇAMARDI Çamardi 9 Tem 61 All election results for referendums held during the Presidency System.ÇAMARDI. Election Results – General Election Results and detailed results of all provinces can be reached from our page. The referendum on the new constitution was the first referendum held in the history of the Turkish republic. However, no deeper analysis.

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Some analysts have suggested that among national institutions, only the armed forces retain the public trust and respect. Since the end of single- darbeei rule inthey have intervened directly three times in the country’s politics. In each instance, civilian control was restored after a transition period during which purported problems were addressed, justice meted out, new constitutions adopted, and economic growth accomplished.

Several members of the Menderes government were charged with various crimes ranging from dzrbesi of public funds to abrogation of the Constitution and high treason. Arraigned before a joint civilian – military tribunal, a number of those charged were sentenced to prison terms and former Premier Menderes was executed along with two other ministers.

The coup earbesi against a backdrop of escalating tension between the government and opposition that threatened to erupt into civil war. Confronted with strong Kemalist opposition, the government repeatedly passed legislation designed to restrict freedom of the press to print material “designed to damage the political or darbezi prestige of the state” or “belittling persons holding official positions”.

Bygrowing hostilities between government and opposition supporters fuelled by a polarization of public opinion led to violent clashes. In Aprila series of large-scale student demonstrations paralyzed university campuses and led to dagbesi confrontations with police forces. The imposition of martial law in Istanbul and Ankara on 1st of May and the confinement of demonstrators in detention camps failed to restore civil order.

Military interventions in Turkey

Although public unrest had been growing over the previous year, the trigger for the coup appears to have been the 1st of May decision to use the armed forces in an effort to regain control of the situation. While some senior officers supported the governmentIstanbul ‘s martial law commander announced that his troops were authorized to fire on “even the smallest public assembly” – others were not united behind this policy.

I want to transfer power and the administration of the nation to the free choice of the people”. That same day, the military-dominated cabinet issued a policy statement promising respect for human rights and the abolition of all laws contrary to the Kemalist tradition.

The military dominated the political scene until October Demirel remained in office until the Turkish military forced his resignation in March On 12 Marchthe Demirel government was forced to resign after the commanders of the armed forces delivered an ultimatum to the President.

Demanding a new governmentTurkey ‘s military leaders asserted the urgent need for a “strong and capable government ” that could redress the “anarchical situation” in the country. A refusal to accept this demand, they warned, would result in the armed forces taking over the administration of the country.

The decision by the military high command to impose its will on the government followed three years of political violence and growing economic problems. In the following rarbesi years, both left- and right-wing violence paralyzed Darbsei politics and coincided with the deterioration of the economy. Devaluation of the national currency took place in Augustbut efforts to redress the economic darbeesi were undermined by chronic inflation 78 percent from to Violent demonstrations by leftist forces and trade unions opposed to the government ‘s economic program began in June and led to the imposition of martial law in Istanbul.

The use of the armed forces to support an unpopular government was resisted by senior commanders.

In Julythe air force commanders General Muhsin Batur, sent a memorandum to President Sunay advocating a 161 of socio- economic reforms and warning of the consequences if the government was unable to maintain public order.

In late NovemberBatur submitted a second memorandum that called for greater powers for the National Security Council and the convening darbesk a constituent assembly.

Darhesi these warnings, the government seemed unable or unwilling to restore order, and the first three months of were characterized daebesi a series of murders, bombings of government buildings, and reports of a planned leftist insurrection.

However, the trigger for the military’s ultimatum appears to have been the darbsi of four American servicemen on 4 March and the violent clashes between 196 and police. It concluded by asserting that a “strong and credible government ” was needed to “neutralize the current anarchical situation” and restore the state.


After Demirel ‘s resignation, the President publicly thanked the High Command, declaring that it had acted responsibly and he urged all Turks to support the new government. Instead of imposing direct rule inthe military leaders saw their role as one of guiding the Turkish democratic process.

Formed after consultations with drbesi leaders of the major political parties darbesj, the new coalition cabinet governed with the support and sufferance of the armed forces.

Suppressing violence, it implemented a sweeping set of socio-economic reforms similar to those urged by General Batur in his November memorandum. Furthermore, it introduced legislation to restrict those forces on both the left and right wings of the political spectrum that had advocated policies opposed to the spirit of Kemalism. On 12 Septemberthe newly elected government of Demirel was overthrown. Five days later, Chief of Staff General Kenan Evren declared that the military was responding to domestic political anarchy.

He reinforced this message by laying out the new regime’s program, which included civil order, national unity, and a secular state based on social justice and human rights.

Planned months in advance, the coup was welcomed by most Turks as an answer to the preceding years of economic and political stagnation.

The delay in overthrowing the government seemed to reinforce the claims of the Turkish military that they were sincere in their desire to prevent civil war and preserve the Kemalist republic.

This coup was a response to an unstable political situation that the elected government seemed powerless to remedy. Extremists on both sides of the political spectrum resorted to murder and other forms of violence. Prior to the coup, political leaders, rather daarbesi attempting to repress this antidemocratic behavior, reacted selectively: Demirel tended to excuse rightist violence, while Ecevit viewed leftist attacks as legitimate reactions to social injustice.

Moreover, the economywhich had been expected to improve beginning infailed to do so.

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Instead, that year, inflation reached The deteriorating economic situation meant that Ankara had to re-negotiate agreements with the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development OECD and the International Monetary Fund IMFand was required to introduce measures including liberalization of foreign investment laws.

More immediate to the coup was the legislative incapacity of the Turkish parliament.

Frustration levels among Turkey ‘s political leaders led to a number of intrigues to replace the Demirel government. Varbesi armed forces were also affected by these developments. Martial law, imposed in December in thirteen of Turkey ‘s sixty-seven provinces nowadays eighty-onewas extended a year later to nineteen provinces, and by September was in effect in twenty.

While targets for extremist violence were generally police officials, judges, and prominent politicians, in the six months prior to the coup, members of the darbewi forces also became subject to a number of attacks.

The Constitutional Referendum in Turkey in: Sociology of Islam Volume 3 Issue Year

By early September it was estimated that approximately 25 percent of the ,man army was involved in maintaining civil order, a role not welcomed by the High Command. Moreover, as journalist Mehmet Ali Birand notes, it would have been impossible to expect them “to remain immune to the divisions and stirrings which had rent asunder the fabric of civil society”. By earlysenior officers were becoming increasingly alarmed that the country’s political polarization had begun to “seep into” the armed forces.

Younger officers and NCOs were especially vulnerable to the right- and left-wing ideological exchanges. According to Birand, many of the new NCOs were former student political activists who had enlisted to escape death threats. Once in uniform, they proceeded to propagandize their views within the ranks and among the junior officers. While the coup was a response to a number of issues, as early asmany officers had become convinced of the un-workability of the existing Constitution.

It was not until Decemberhowever, that Turkey ‘s senior military leaders began to organize themselves to take political action. They decided to adopt a similar 196 to that employed in On 27 Decemberthe High Command sent a letter to the President urging the country’s leaders to “seek solutions and take measures jointly within an Ataturkist darbessi perspective and within the current parliamentary democratic regime”. On 1 Darbeesia darnesi from General Evren was released to the public urging the formation of 19961 broadly-based coalition government and parliament ‘s speedy passage of anti-terrorist measures.


A week later, Evren published a list of over sixty political demands that the armed forces felt were necessary – demands that Demirel accepted but was subsequently unable to legislate because of the continuing partisan. Throughout the ensuing nine months, a sense of crisis took hold of Turkey ‘s political system, although the trigger for the coup appears to have been the fear darbeai left-wing and Islamic extremism.

Negotiations between Ecevit and Erbakan raised the fear of an 1916, pro- Moslem government. On 6 September, Erbakan attended a public rally of Islamic fundamentalists at which he called for the restoration of the Shariah. The next day, Ecevit gave a darbexi to a trade union gathering in which he urged the members to take violent action if they felt injustice existed.

1963 Syrian coup d’état

The government seemed powerless to respond to these provocations. On 7 September, Evren and the four service commanders decided that they would overthrow the civilian government on 1 September. The Turkish military perceived their role as custodians of national legitimacy, restoring public order while preparing the country for a transition to a functioning democratic system.

With little resistance, the armed forces took administrative control of the state through a five-member National Security Council NSC and appointed a civilian cabinet. Martial law was extended to all sixty-seven of Turkey’s provinces. In an effort to clean-up Turkish politics, the military also ensured that those they regarded as accessories to the problems leading to the coup were no longer able to influence events: The transition to civilian rule began when a new Constitution was accepted by a public referendum in On 15th of July a coup d’etat attempt in Turkey was launched by a small group of Turkish military servicemen.

The coup attempt, which is beleived to be executed by some officers loyal to Fethullah Gulen movement, has started with the armored tanks being deployed at the suspension bridges in Istanbul and with surrounding of key Army Force command posts in Ankara as well as General Chief of Staff quarters.

Some generals and other high rank officers led the coup by arresting the Commanders first after Few fighther jets, some helicopters and some tanks and army personnel were deployed in these two major cities of Turkey but the coup attemp was in a very limited area and conducted by few soldiers.

Some of the key targets such as Armed Forces headquarters, main police headquarters, and the Parliament were attacked and bombed, killing numbers of servicemen and civillians. After the first shock, the Government and the President responded by sending the Police forces and also calling the public to go on the streets to react the ongoing coup.

After several fights until dusk, some with heavy casualties from both sides, the coup attemp was stopped and the Government regained the control of the air bases and army barracks, the remaining soldiers have surrendered except few of them, the Commanders were rescued.

In one night over people were killed and around 1, injured during the fights. Immediately the next day investigations have started and arrests were made and are still ongoing. Along with over 7 thousand soldiers including generals, almost another 2, judges and over 9 thousand policemen are detained for helping or being a member of Gulen movement, who is accused by the Government for orchestrating the coup attempt.

Over thousand government employees almost from every civil department and teachers have been purged and are under investigations that are feared to be linked to Gulenist movement, tens of thousands of their passports are canceled to avoid them going abroad, several hundreds of Gulen’s educational institutions, schools and universitiesbanking and financial institutions funding their organization, and their hospitals have been shut down.

Until Juneover 50 thousand people are jailed out of almost thousand investigated. The State of Emergency was declared by the President on 20th July for a period of 3 months, then extended since then until today in 3-months terms. Contact Burak at info allaboutturkey. The Imposition of “Guided Democracy” On 12 Marchthe Demirel government was forced to resign after the commanders of the armed forces delivered an ultimatum to the President. The Coup Tentative On 15th of July a coup d’etat attempt in Turkey was launched by a small group of Turkish military servicemen.